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Animated Movies Give Women More Leadership Roles, Study Finds 動畫片提供女性 更多出頭機會

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讀紐時學英文
2019/07/26 第272期 訂閱/退訂看歷史報份
 
 

紐時周報精選 Animated Movies Give Women More Leadership Roles, Study Finds 動畫片提供女性 更多出頭機會
The Gerrymandering Ruling and the Risk of a Monopoly on Power 美最高院挺選區自劃 一黨壟斷風險升

紐時周報精選
 

Animated Movies Give Women More Leadership Roles, Study Finds 動畫片提供女性 更多出頭機會
文/Cara Buckley
譯/李京倫

動畫片提供女性更多出頭機會

The movie business has been famously tough on women, who have found themselves excluded from key roles throughout the decision-making and creative processes.

電影業對女性嚴苛出了名,整個決策和創作過程都不讓女性扮演要角。

But in parts of the animation industry, women have thrived. Women hold half of the leadership positions at the major film animation companies, new research has found. And, of the top 120 animated films over the last dozen years, nearly four in 10 had female producers, which is more than double the number of women who produced live-action films in that time.

不過,在動畫業的某些部分,女人可是出頭天。最新調查研究顯示,各大型動畫片公司半數領導職位由女性出任。此外,過去12年票房最佳的120部動畫片中,近四成有女製片,比同一時期真人電影的女製片多了一倍有餘。

Still, the study, released by the Annenberg Inclusion Initiative at the University of Southern California, showed a mixed bag, especially for women of color, who accounted for just 5 percent of producers on those top animated films.

不過,美國南加州大學智庫「艾能伯格包容計畫」公布的這份調研結果顯示,情況其實憂喜兼具,尤其是有色人種女性的際遇,她們在那些票房最佳動畫片的製片人中只占5%。

Women also remained the minority in a slew of key roles elsewhere in animation.

在動畫業其他區塊的許多重要角色中,女人也仍是少數。

As cherished as such animated characters as Moana, Elsa (“Frozen”) and Judy Hopps (“Zootopia”) are, they are also rarities. Less than a fifth — 17 percent — of the 120 top animated movies from 2007 to 2018 had female leads.

雖然「海洋奇緣」的莫娜、「冰雪奇緣」的艾莎和「動物方城市」的茱蒂這類動畫片女主角深受寶愛,但她們也似鳳毛麟角。2007年到2018年120部票房最佳動畫片中,只有17%、不到兩成有女主角。

And of the 197 directors of those films, just five, or 2.5 percent, were women. Jennifer Yuh Nelson, who directed two “Kung Fu Panda” films, was the only one to appear on the list twice.

而在這120部片的197位導演中,只有五位、也就是2.5%是女性。執導「功夫熊貓」及「功夫熊貓2」的余仁英,是唯一兩度上榜的女性。

The figures stand in contrast to the number of women who are clearly hoping — and training — to rise in the business.

相對於顯然希望在動畫業崛起、並正接受訓練的女性的人數而言,前述數字少得可憐。

According to the study, about two-thirds of the students enrolled in animation programs at several top feeder schools in recent years were female. Women also directed roughly half of the animated shorts at several major film festivals in the last few years.

根據這份調查,近年來在一些頂尖附屬學校註冊修讀動畫課程的學生,女性約占三分之二。最近幾年在一些大型影展入選的動畫短片,約有半數由女性執導。

Probing further, researchers found that many women trying to work their way up in the animation business reported that their workplaces heavily favored and promoted men, and left them feeling less valued and recognized.

這些研究人員進一步探索後發現,許多有志在動畫業裡往上爬的女性說,她們的工作場所嚴重偏袒並且提拔男人,讓她們覺得比較不受重視與肯定。

The researchers said their findings indicate that the animation industry, as with so many others, is governed by a culture of “homophily” — employers’ “birds of a feather” tendency to prefer people who are just like them.

前述研究人員說,他們的研究結果顯示,動畫業就像許多其他的行業一樣,由「同質性」文化主導,雇主傾向「物以類聚」,偏愛跟他們一樣的人。

“In this case, the male-dominated nature of animation means that women feel excluded,” the report said, adding, “If the respondents to our survey and interviews are to be believed, the animation industry privileges stereotypes over skills.”

研究報告寫道:「在這個案例中,動畫業由男性主導的本質意味女性覺得被排除在外。如果我們問卷和訪談的受訪者所言屬實,那麼動畫業就是刻板印象壓過實力。」

 

The Gerrymandering Ruling and the Risk of a Monopoly on Power 美最高院挺選區自劃 一黨壟斷風險升
文/Nate Cohn
譯/陳韋廷

美最高院挺選區自劃 一黨壟斷風險升

At some point or another over the last decade, Democrats have won the most votes but lost national elections for the presidency, the House and the Senate.

過去10年當中,美國民主黨曾經拿下最多的選票,卻仍然在全國性的總統、眾議院和參議院選舉中落敗。

Partisan gerrymandering is just one of the reasons the Democrats are at such a disadvantage. But the Supreme Court’s decision on gerrymandering last month came as long-term political and demographic trends threaten to put Democrats at an even greater disadvantage in the Senate and perhaps also the presidency.

政黨不公正劃分選區只是民主黨處於如此劣勢的原因之一,但最高法院上月針對選區劃分問題做出裁決,卻正值長期政治、人口趨勢可能使民主黨在參議院甚至總統職位上處於更大劣勢之際。

It’s even possible to imagine a future in which Republicans could effectively claim a monopoly on federal power despite continued weakness in the national vote.

這甚至可讓人想到未來一種可能的情況,亦即共和黨雖然全國得票數較低,卻仍能實際上壟斷聯邦權力。

Sustained minority rule — within the bounds of the Constitution — is not an imminent peril. After all, Democrats recaptured the House in November despite partisan gerrymandering. But the risk is real, and even if it does not materialize it might strain American democracy.

在憲法範圍內持續的少數統治並非立即的危險。畢竟,民主黨在去年11月奪回了眾議院,未受政黨不公正劃分選區影響,但這種風險是真實存在的,而且即使未成為事實也可能給美國的民主帶來壓力。

So on one hand, the ruling — which said federal courts can’t bar partisan gerrymandering — merely preserves the status quo. But it also closes off one way, arguably the easiest way, that the risk of minority rule might have been reduced.

因此,這項認為聯邦法院不得禁止政黨不公正劃分選區的裁定,一方面只是維持了現狀,另一方面卻也封堵了降低少數統治風險的一條道路,而且可以說是最簡易的那條道路。

Over the last few decades, American politics has become increasingly polarized along geographic lines. Cities now overwhelmingly back Democrats; the countryside increasingly backs Republicans, although by less lopsided margins.

過去幾十年,美國的政治沿地理界線而日益兩極化。當前,城市壓倒性支持民主黨,鄉間則日益支持共和黨,儘管沒那麼一面倒。

This kind of polarization strains representative democracies with winner-take-all voting systems, since even modest alternations in district or state lines can produce very different results.

這種兩極分化會讓贏者全拿的選舉制度給代議民主帶來壓力,因為即便是選區或州界的微調,也會產生非常不同的結果。

These biases can be unintentional. Democrats, for instance, lost the 2016 election by the margin of the Florida Panhandle and Michigan’s Upper Peninsula, and the 2000 election by the margin of the Panhandle. It’s an accident of 19th-century history that these regions did not end up being part of Alabama and Wisconsin instead.

這些偏差並非有意造成,例如在2016年大選中,民主黨在佛州狹長地帶跟密西根州上半島落後而敗選,2000年大選中又在佛州狹長地帶落後而落敗,而這些地區沒有成為阿拉巴馬州跟威斯康辛州的一部分,卻緣於19世紀歷史上的一場意外。

But even more consequential shifts can result from the intentional manipulation of district lines for partisan gain.

但為了政黨利益故意操縱選區界線,卻可能帶來更重大的轉變。

Either party can benefit from partisan gerrymandering. But Republicans generally have an easier time of it than Democrats, who waste millions of votes by winning lopsided margins in urban districts that pad their popular vote tallies without yielding additional seats. The GOP, in contrast, wastes fewer votes in the countryside, where Republicans generally win by smaller margins.

兩個政黨均能從不公正劃分選區獲益,但共和黨通常比民主黨來得省事,而後者在城市地區得票數壓倒性獲勝,卻未獲得更多席次,浪費了數百萬張選票。相較之下,共和黨在鄉下浪費的選票較少,常以比較小差距勝出。

There is no guarantee that this bias will persist. If Republicans keep gaining in rural areas and Democrats keep gaining in the suburbs, Republicans might find themselves at an underlying disadvantage in the House.

此一偏差無法保證會持續下去。若共和黨在農村地區繼續成長,民主黨在郊區繼續成長,共和黨可能會發現自己在眾議院處於潛在的不利地位。

說文解字看新聞

gerrymandering是新聞英文常見單字,指出於政治考量不公平地劃分選區界線,而贏者全拿則是美國48州所實施勝選者囊括所有選舉人團(electoral college)選票的制度,少數統治即為該制度最為人詬病之處,至於多數的英文則為majority,多數黨就是majority party,多數黨領袖為majority leader,多數政府則為majority government。

polarization則描述對某一事物具不同觀點者相互對立的情形,衍生自動詞polarize(使兩極化),另lopsided意指「偏向一方的、一面倒的」,同義字有one-sided、partial及partisan等字,而modest alternation在文中意譯為「微調」,其中alternation意指「變更、改變」。

另外,文中出現多次的片語win/lose by…margins表示「以…差距勝出/落敗」,又倒數第二段俚語have an easy time of it則指「處於有利或優勢地位」的意思。

 

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